Quote from chief_editor on September 22, 2023, 8:39 pm

Credit: 商品定价权 （马也大爷）

When we talk about the global distribution and development of cobalt resources, there is one country that cannot be ignored: the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo, abbreviated as DR Congo, formerly known as Zaire (which will be used interchangeably with DR Congo when discussing the Mobutu regime), is a country in Central Africa. Its capital is Kinshasa. With a land area of approximately 2.345 million square kilometers, it ranks second in Africa, only after Algeria. With a population of over 77 million, it is the 17th most populous country in the world, the fourth in Africa, and the country with the largest French-speaking population.

Mining dominates the economy, while processing industries are underdeveloped, and the country cannot achieve food self-sufficiency.

If it weren't for the surge in demand for new energy vehicles and ternary batteries, DR Congo might still be a relatively unfamiliar country for many. However, as China's demand for various minerals, especially rare metals, began to explode, DR Congo has become a country that is very much worth paying attention to and studying.

Perhaps everyone has grown tired of dry statistics and research reports. Today, we, the Commodity Editor, intend to show you DR Congo from a historical and political perspective, offering insights into a country you may not have delved into deeply.

The region now known as the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo) has been inhabited by humans for approximately 80,000 years.

The early history begins with the migration waves of the Bantu people in DR Congo. Between 2000 BC and 500 BC, they migrated from the northwest to the basin region, including the pre-colonial and post-colonial periods.

The Bantu migration replaced the indigenous Pygmy people, who integrated their culture into the modern southern regions of DR Congo. The Bantu people learned agricultural and ironworking techniques from the West African region, with the Kikongo language group becoming the dominant dialect.

Subsequently, more people migrated from Darfur and the Sudanese Kordofan region to northern DR Congo, while East African people moved into eastern DR Congo, accelerating ethnic integration.

In the 5th century, a tribal society began to develop along the shores of Lake Upemba and the Lualaba River, known as the Upemba civilization, which eventually evolved into the Luba Empire and the Lunda Kingdom. The transition from the original Upemba society to the Luba Kingdom was gradual and complex.

This transformation continued, giving rise to several societies with distinct cultures different from the Upemba culture. Each society evolved from its predecessor (similar to the Roman culture being influenced by Greek culture).

The social evolution of the 5th century developed in the Kamilamba region and was later replaced by cultures in the Sangha and Lualaba regions.

The Upemba established a vast trade network (over 1,500 kilometers) due to their high demand for metalworking. Additionally, the region had favorable agricultural conditions and abundant fish and game.

With a robust economy and food reserves, the region became very prosperous. City-states and central governments were established under a chieftaincy system, which became a widely accepted political system, with rulers becoming increasingly powerful, especially in the 16th century.

In 1482, Portuguese navigator Diogo Cão was the first to discover the Congo River and erected a milestone at its mouth. Over the next three centuries, Europeans and the Congo began to make initial contact. Some came to spread Christianity, while others established trading posts near the Atlantic estuaries to trade slaves and other goods. However, due to the hostile interior terrain, very few Europeans ventured deep into the Congo.

In 1816, the British also became interested in the Congo, and the British Navy sent Colonel Dougal with a well-equipped exploration team to explore the river. However, due to the swift river currents and harsh climate, Dougal's team tragically perished, and their bodies are still buried on Prince Island near Boma.

Contact between the Congo and the civilized world and planned development began in 1874 to 1877. British explorer Henry Morton Stanley ventured deep into the Congo but mistakenly believed the Congo River to be the source of the Nile.

In 1874, British journalist-turned-explorer Stanley organized a large expedition with 342 members, finally clarifying the true nature of the Congo River. Stanley first reported this unexplored land of wealth to the British government, but received no support at the time. Therefore, he turned to Belgium.

In 1876, King Leopold II of Belgium convened the International African Conference in Brussels to discuss the international development of Africa. Stanley's achievements in African exploration and operation caught the attention of the Belgian king, who strongly supported Stanley's mission under the guise of international development. This led to Stanley's return to Africa for exploration.

During his five-year stay in the Congo, Stanley established 22 trading posts throughout the region, operated steamships on the upper reaches of the Lualaba River, and built railways near Stanley Falls, creating the Congo Free State. The Free State was recognized by the great powers at the Berlin Conference in 1885, making King Leopold the master of the Congo. In 1908, the region was renamed the "Belgian Congo."

The Congo Free State was a non-governmental organization controlled through colonial rule, personally governed by King Leopold II of Belgium.

Leopold increasingly seized ivory, rubber, and minerals in the world market (though ostensibly to improve the lives of the local people and the development of the region). The state encompassed the entire modern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo from 1885 to 1908. The Congo Free State eventually gained notoriety for its brutal mistreatment of the local population and exploitation of natural resources, leading to its abolition by the Belgian government in 1908.

In 1908, Belgium held a conference on the Congo, and despite initial resistance, succumbed to international pressure, particularly from the United Kingdom, to take over King Leopold's Congo Free State. From then on, it became known as the Belgian Congo colony, under Belgian government rule until 1960.

After World War II, national consciousness in Congo grew, and nationalist movements began to develop. In the 1950s, the African continent witnessed a wave of independence movements, with many African colonial nations gaining independence.

On June 30, 1960, led by Patrice Lumumba, the Belgian Congo achieved independence and was named the "Democratic Republic of the Congo," with Leopoldville as its capital.

Patrice Lumumba, a prominent African politician and one of the founders of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Born on July 2, 1925, in the village of Onalua, Kasaï Province, to a peasant family of the Batetela tribe.

After leaving school, he worked as a postal clerk in Kindu and Stanleyville (now Kisangani) and later as an accountant. In 1955, he was elected chairman of the Eastern Province branch of the African Employees' Union.

He actively participated in journalism and founded the newspaper "Le Peuple" (The People) and served as manager of "Congo Independent," promoting nationalist independence ideas.

In 1957, he worked as a sales manager at a brewery in Leopoldville (now Kinshasa) and actively campaigned in the city's first municipal elections. Lumumba's commitment to unity among different ethnic groups contributed to the growing influence of the Congolese National Movement.

In October 1958, Lumumba founded the first nationwide political party in Congo, the Congolese National Movement (Mouvement National Congolais), and became its chairman.

The party opposed colonialism and tribalism, rejected the phased independence plan, and advocated for immediate negotiations for independence. At the end of the year, Lumumba attended the 1st All-African People's Conference in Accra, Ghana, and was elected a member of the Permanent Committee.

In April 1959, Lumumba proposed the creation of a unified, non-federal state at a meeting of representatives from various political parties in Congo. He organized a common front for this purpose. In November 1959, when the colonial authorities suppressed a popular movement in Stanleyville, Lumumba was arrested on charges of inciting riots but was released shortly thereafter due to public pressure.

In January 1960, Lumumba attended the Brussels Round Table Conference on Congolese independence. At the conference, he vehemently opposed the division of Congo and insisted on the principles of an independent, unified, and democratic state. In the May general elections, the Congolese National Movement Party, led by Lumumba, won 40 out of 137 seats in the lower house.

On June 23, Lumumba was elected as the Prime Minister and formed the first government. On June 30, Congo achieved independence.

After independence, Lumumba fought tenaciously to defend national independence, unity, and resist the increasing cruelty of new and old colonialism and separatist forces.

In July 1960, Belgian troops invaded Katanga Province (now Shaba Province), and Katanga declared independence. The newly formed republic faced a crisis, and Lumumba turned to the United Nations for help.

However, due to Lumumba's anti-imperialism and non-aligned policy, he was disliked by the Americans. With the secret planning and support of the CIA, on September 14, General Mobutu Sese Seko, Chief of Staff of the Congolese National Army, launched a coup, using the pretext of protecting Lumumba.

On November 27, Lumumba left Leopoldville secretly, heading for the Orientale Province, hoping to meet the legitimate government that had moved to Stanleyville after the coup. However, he was kidnapped en route and later assassinated by the Moïse Tshombe group. In March 1961, the Third All-African People's Conference declared him an African hero.

In 1966, the Zairean government declared Lumumba a national hero.

Although Lumumba had died, Mobutu's coup did not lead to the coveted presidency at the time.

At the time, the young Congolese Chief of Staff seemed inexperienced, spending a lot of time drinking at the CIA headquarters, fearing that the American-engineered coup would bring adverse consequences.

However, by the time Mobutu launched his second coup in 1965, he had become quite mature. Mobutu declared that he was rescuing Congo from chaos and corruption, stating that politicians had thoroughly destroyed the country, and things could not continue in this manner.

After the coup, Mobutu arrested four former ministers and publicly executed them in front of a crowd of 50,000, demonstrating his determination to break away from the old regime and establish a new Congo, which intimidated those who opposed Mobutu.

Mobutu's control over Congo was indeed very firm. The rebels who rose up in 1964, led by Moïse Tshombe, were lured back to Congo by Mobutu and then executed in public. The former rebels who had been integrated into the government army in eastern Congo rose up again and were brutally suppressed by Mobutu.

Even with the participation of white mercenaries in the rebellion, Mobutu's rule remained unshaken. After five years of effort, Mobutu had gained control over the vast majority of regions in the Congo.

Mobutu initially implemented effective economic policies. Under his control, inflation in Congo was brought under control, currency stability was maintained, economic output grew, and government debt remained low. Mobutu successfully nationalized the copper mining industry, which brought substantial revenue to the government. By 1970, under Mobutu's rule, the Congo appeared to have the opportunity for rapid development once again.

Mobutu's early success was closely tied to support from the United States. During the chaotic period following Congo's independence in 1960, the U.S. became involved to ensure that Congo did not fall into Soviet influence. They supported pro-American forces in the country.

In May 1963, Mobutu, who was then the Chief of Staff of the Congolese army, visited the United States, and President John F. Kennedy praised him, crediting Mobutu with preventing communist infiltration into Africa. Mobutu received military training in the United States and was even provided with a dedicated U.S. Air Force plane and crew.

Even after the 1965 coup, Mobutu continued to receive subsidies from the CIA and regularly met with the CIA's representatives in Congo. Mobutu's visits to the United States were frequent. During his 1970 visit, President Richard Nixon even expressed interest in learning from Mobutu's experience in handling economic issues and budget balancing.

Congo's political stability made it an attractive destination for foreign investors. The country was rich in resources, including copper, cobalt, industrial diamonds, and other minerals, which formed the backbone of Congo's economic development. Mobutu implemented attractive investment policies.

During Mobutu's visits to the U.S., efforts were made to encourage American investors to invest in Congo. At the same time, mineral prices were favorable, providing significant income to the country.

With these conditions, Mobutu initiated several major infrastructure projects, including the Leopoldville steel mill, large reservoirs in the Inga region along the Congo River, long-distance power transmission projects from Inga to the mining center of Katanga, and numerous new mineral extraction and processing projects.

By 1974, European and American investors had invested around $2 billion in Congo. Congo's international standing had improved to the extent that even the famous "Rumble in the Jungle," the heavyweight title fight between Muhammad Ali and George Foreman, was held in Congo.

Mobutu also began creating his own political party, the Popular Movement of the Revolution (MPR). This party became the only legal party in Congo, with Mobutu as its supreme leader, effectively controlling all its powers. Mobutu developed his own ideology, eventually known as Mobutism, which was legislatively established as the governing philosophy.

Mobutu's ideology essentially aimed at using a one-party system to maintain control, in accordance with African tradition, claiming that having multiple leaders would go against the traditional way of ruling among the Congolese. Mobutu's control extended into various aspects of Congo, including government, political parties, and the economy.

Mobutu also enforced significant cultural changes, including renaming the country from Congo to Zaire and changing the names of cities to be more authentically African. He prohibited Zairians with Christian names from using them, instead requiring the use of African names. Mobutu even personally had a complex name: Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Ngbendu WaZa Banga, which he translated as "The all-powerful warrior who, because of his endurance and inflexible will to win, will go from conquest to conquest, leaving fire in his wake."

He mandated a specific type of attire for Zairian men, known as the "Abacost," characterized by Mao-style collared shirts without ties. Mobutu's trademark outfit included a leopard-skin hat.

Mobutu held numerous titles for himself, including Father of the Nation, Savior of the People, Super Warrior, and Great Strategist. He cultivated a personality cult through poems, dances, and portraits of himself displayed on official emblems.

In the eyes of Zairians, Mobutu became a godlike figure who saved the nation from misery. People genuinely believed that Mobutu nurtured the land, brought rain, and commanded good weather. In their eyes, Mobutu was a prophet and a savior.

Unfortunately, Mobutu was not different from many other African dictators in his pursuit of vast wealth. He derived immense personal wealth from his position. In 1973, under the pretext of achieving economic independence, Mobutu expropriated over 2,000 foreign-owned businesses, including farms, plantations, ranches, factories, wholesalers, and retailers. Most of these assets ended up with Mobutu's family and close associates.

Mobutu himself owned over 14 plantations, known as "Celza," producing a quarter of Zaire's cocoa and rubber. These plantations employed 25,000 people, including 140 Europeans, making them the third-largest employer in Zaire.

Additionally, Mobutu had extensive ranching interests. "Celza" and other family-owned enterprises accounted for three-quarters of the cattle in Zaire. Mobutu also held interests in various industries, including shares in foreign companies such as Fiat, Volkswagen, Unilever, and more.

Mobutu exerted significant influence over the world diamond market through American businessmen. Given his control over lucrative copper and cobalt mines, Mobutu controlled this industry as well.

Each year, Mobutu transferred substantial assets overseas. In 1977 alone, over 50 Mobutu-controlled companies sent over $300 million abroad. Over three years from 1977 to 1979, Mobutu directly withdrew $150 million from the central bank, and substantial income from export products went into Mobutu's personal foreign accounts, making it impossible to estimate the exact amount.

By the late 1970s, Mobutu was likely one of the wealthiest individuals globally. By the 1980s, his personal wealth was estimated to exceed $5 billion.

Mobutu made investments in numerous other countries, mainly in Europe. He owned luxurious villas in the French Riviera, estates in Portugal's Algarve region, a Swiss estate, and multiple apartments in Paris. He also had various real estate holdings in Spain, Italy, Ivory Coast, Senegal, Morocco, and Brazil.

Mobutu's residence in Zaire was also lavish. His residence near Kinshasa even included a private zoo. One of his favorite possessions was a three-story luxury yacht that he enjoyed with business associates.

Perhaps his most extravagant residence was in Gbadolite, deep in the Congolese forest, located 700 kilometers from Kinshasa. This sprawling complex featured a marble palace spanning over 15,000 square meters and was a local landmark. A nearby airport could accommodate Concorde planes.

Mobutu established a model farm in this area, importing dairy cows from Switzerland and goats from Venezuela by air. Every year, Mobutu visited this palace multiple times, often by plane.

While Mobutu amassed immense personal wealth, Zaire did not fare as well. The expropriation of foreign businesses by Mobutu led to mismanagement and many of these firms

failing or falling into disrepair. The economy, despite its early successes, started to decline. Corruption, mismanagement, and a lack of investment in infrastructure became hallmarks of Mobutu's rule.

The Zairian people were subjected to poverty, human rights abuses, and a lack of basic services. While Mobutu's regime presented an image of prosperity and order to the outside world, the reality for many Zairians was far from it.

Mobutu's rule came to an end in 1997 when he was ousted by Laurent-Désiré Kabila, backed by various rebel forces and foreign powers, including Rwanda and Uganda. Mobutu fled the country and went into exile. He died in Morocco in 1997, marking the end of his long and controversial reign.

In summary, Mobutu Sese Seko's rule in Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo) was characterized by authoritarianism, a cult of personality, and rampant corruption. While he initially enjoyed support from the United States and implemented some positive economic policies, his regime became increasingly repressive and focused on self-enrichment. His extravagant lifestyle and personal wealth stood in stark contrast to the poverty and suffering experienced by many Zairians under his rule. Mobutu's legacy is one of a dictator who ruled with an iron fist and left a deeply divided and impoverished nation behind when he was finally ousted from power.

The result was that under Mobutu's rule, Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo) was in a state of chaos. Hospitals lacked medical supplies and equipment, making it nearly impossible for them to function. Healthcare workers had meager incomes and were often unwilling to work.

The road infrastructure in Zaire was limited and poorly maintained, with potholes and dangerous conditions.

Despite having a well-developed network of waterways, Zaire had little to no waterborne transportation industry. The country faced high unemployment rates, even higher than before gaining independence.

Due to hyperinflation, many people's real wages were only a fraction of what they were in 1960. A significant portion of the population suffered from severe malnutrition, with some estimates suggesting that 40% of the population in the capital, Kinshasa, experienced serious malnutrition. In rural areas, agricultural productivity was extremely low, with only 1% of land under cultivation.

The entire country seemed to serve only a tiny elite, with the majority of the population left to fend for themselves.

In the late 1970s, under international pressure, Mobutu finally agreed to reforms. Foreigners were brought in to oversee key positions in Zaire's central bank, customs, and finance departments. These foreign officials aimed to prevent Zairean companies with strong connections from evading taxes and ensure compliance with foreign exchange regulations.

In 1978, a retired banker named Blumenthal took charge of Zaire's central bank. In November, Blumenthal issued a list of 50 companies, prohibiting them from engaging in any import or export activities until they repaid all debts and returned all embezzled foreign exchange. Another 50 companies were also investigated. Most of the companies on these lists were owned by Mobutu's family, with the most serious offenders being those belonging to Mobutu's uncle, Litho Maboti.

Blumenthal's measures had some effect, as some companies repaid their debts, creating a somewhat optimistic outlook. Mobutu himself declared 1979 as a year of moralization and pledged to combat corruption. However, the reality was far from optimistic.

In 1979, Blumenthal had to resign. In a confidential report submitted by Blumenthal, he detailed how the strict new financial system established with the help of the International Monetary Fund and honest Zaireans was gradually being undermined. Blumenthal himself faced threats. In January 1979, a group of heavily armed soldiers stormed Blumenthal's office at the central bank, demanding foreign exchange for their general.

Mobutu employed interesting methods to maintain his rule. In Zaire, the top echelons of the government were a small circle, mostly from Mobutu's hometown and tribe. The appointment of key officials was personally decided by Mobutu. To prevent officials from accumulating too much power, Mobutu frequently reshuffled their positions and used tactics like demotions and arrests to diminish their personal influence.

An American journalist described the government of Zaire, noting that apart from Mobutu's family, there were approximately 80 individuals who could enter the leadership circle. Among these 80 people, around 20 would serve as ministers, 20 as ambassadors, another 20 would be in exile overseas, and 20 might be imprisoned.

Roughly every three months, these positions would change, and whether it was an honor or a disgrace depended entirely on Mobutu's personal interests. One of the most typical examples was Nguza Karl-i-Bond. Karl-i-Bond served as Mobutu's foreign minister in 1974 and 1976 and was considered by many to be Mobutu's successor. In 1977, he was accused of involvement in a rebellion, sentenced to death after torture, and subsequently pardoned.

In 1979, Karl-i-Bond became prime minister again, but by 1981, he had fled Zaire, traveling to Western countries to expose Mobutu's government's dark side. He even testified against Mobutu in the U.S. House of Representatives and wrote books criticizing Mobutu. Despite this, in 1985, Karl-i-Bond returned to Mobutu's government, becoming the first ambassador to Washington, then foreign minister for the third time, and soon after became Mobutu's prime minister again.

According to Mobutu's philosophy, it was important to keep both friends and enemies close. Allowing people to remain in exile was dangerous and could lead to trouble. The best way to deal with them was to reduce their influence and thereby neutralize them.However, not all of Mobutu's critics played along with his game. In 1980, 15 members of parliament jointly published a 51-page report condemning Mobutu's rule, identifying Mobutu himself as the core problem causing the difficulties in Zaire and demanding transparent elections. Mobutu arrested these individuals and exiled them to remote villages. Some chose to give up the fight and continued to serve Mobutu, but others refused to cooperate.

In 1982, a former minister named Etienne Tshisekediwa Mulumba organized an opposition party. These individuals were immediately charged with attempting to overthrow the government and sentenced to imprisonment, but they were released a year later. Tshisekediwa was subsequently arrested multiple times, a total of ten times within eight years, yet he persisted in criticizing Mobutu. However, by 1988, Tshisekediwa also capitulated to Mobutu and withdrew from politics.

Despite how corrupt and authoritarian the government was, Mobutu, who stood on the frontline against communism, consistently received support from Western countries, especially the United States. In Washington's eyes, Mobutu was a dictator, but he was a friendly dictator and a reliable friend of the Western world.

Western countries justified their support for Mobutu by arguing that in Zaire, it was either supporting the Mobutu government or facing chaos. So, when the Angolan civil war in 1977 and 1978 spilled over into Zaire, the United States, along with France, Belgium, and Morocco, immediately sent troops to assist Mobutu.

The American support for Mobutu was also quite generous. From Mobutu's rise to power in 1965 until 1988, the United States provided a total of $860 million in aid.

Mobutu had very close personal relations with the White House, particularly with George H.W. Bush. Mobutu had known Bush well since Bush's tenure as head of the CIA. In 1982, when George H.W. Bush visited Kinshasa as Vice President, he praised Mobutu's government extensively. In 1988, when George H.W. Bush was elected President of the United States, Mobutu quickly flew to Washington to reunite with his old friend, becoming the first African leader to visit Bush. The two stood on the South Lawn of the White House, and Bush delivered a speech, saying, "Zaire is one of America's old friends, and President Mobutu of Zaire is one of our most valuable friends. We are proud and delighted to welcome you."

However, in the later years of his rule, Mobutu began to change his attitude towards China.

In January 1973, Mobutu, who had long been denounced as an "American lackey" by all Chinese media, arrived in frigid Beijing.

In a "Hongqi" limousine, the iron-fisted leader of Zaire exclaimed, "The past is past, and I bring the friendship of the Zairean people." Premier Zhou Enlai, polite and cordial, responded, "Emperor Haile Selassie and President Nyerere both said that China is the true friend of Africa."

At 5:30 p.m. on January 3, after the whole of Zhongnanhai had disappeared into the deep winter dusk, Mao Zedong met the formidable general who had dominated the scene. "According to a decision of our Party, national leaders should wear this kind of leopard-skin hat." Mobutu, who was meeting Mao for the first time, quickly explained his attire. "The hat I'm wearing is real leopard skin, while they are wearing fake leopard skin." He pointed to his Foreign Affairs State Commissioner Enuguza, who was standing beside him. "Leopard skin, it's intimidating!" Mao Zedong raised his head, pointed at Mobutu's hat, and smiled knowingly.

"You came to China faster than anyone else. You just showed up, and Lumumba didn't make it," Mao Zedong remarked humorously as he welcomed Mobutu. "That's right, he didn't make it." After both host and guest were seated, the conversation, filled with wit and frankness, began.

"We support him. We also support Kisinga and Mouzére, but we don't support you. We give them money and weapons, but they just won't fight. They can't win! What can I do?" Mao Zedong stated openly without concealing his thoughts.

"All the things that used to divide us are forgotten!" However, Mobutu's straightforwardness didn't diminish the reflection in Mao Zedong's humor.

Mobutu was deeply moved by Mao Zedong's candor. After leaving Zhongnanhai, he excitedly said to Zhou Enlai, "Send us an ambassador who can implement your policies."

"Alright!" Zhou Enlai responded enthusiastically, "We will definitely do better than Taiwan!"

Mobutu visited China five times in total in 1980, 1982, and 1994. (Wow, that's impressive.)

The key figure who eventually toppled Mobutu's regime, which had lasted for 32 years, was Laurent-Désiré Kabila, the father of the current President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kabila.

In 1938, Laurent-Désiré Kabila was born in the province of South Kivu, and he belonged to the Baluba ethnic group.

Kabila studied in Lubumbashi and Kinshasa and pursued economics at the University of Nancy in France.

In 1960, on the eve of the Congo gaining independence from Belgian rule, he returned to his country. As a patriotic and passionate young man, he actively joined the anti-Belgian nationalist movement led by Lumumba and was even sent to the Soviet Union by the "Mouvement National Congolais" party.

In January 1964, after Lumumba was assassinated by the Lumumbist group, a patriotic armed struggle erupted in Zaire. Kabila arrived in the eastern Kivu province in April, mobilizing the masses and serving as the Deputy Chairman of the National Liberation Committee for the Eastern Committee.

Due to the interference of Western countries, mainly the United States, and the adoption of incorrect political, organizational, and military strategies by the leaders of the armed organizations, armed struggles in various regions failed one after another from the second half of 1965. Kabila was forced to lead a few hundred remnants from the eastern front to the mountainous border area between Zaire, Tanzania, and Burundi, where he persisted in guerrilla warfare.

When summarizing this experience of armed struggle, Kabila believed that the reason for the failure was the absence of a party. Therefore, in 1967, he established the "People's Revolutionary Party of the Congo (Kinshasa)" guided by Marxism-Leninism in the Fizi region of the eastern end of Kivu Province and established liberated zones in Kivu and South Kivu provinces.

Due to limited resources, the armed forces he led, known as the People's Liberation Army, never developed significantly. (And they didn't charge any patent fees, haha.)

In March 1977, this army engaged in a major battle with Mobutu's forces in the northeastern part of the Shaba Province but suffered a quick defeat. Subsequently, Kabila fought alongside his close friend and current President of Uganda, Yoweri Museveni, to overthrow the Amin regime in Uganda.

In 1994, after the shocking tribal genocide in Rwanda, over a million refugees flooded into eastern Zaire, with a large number of armed refugees among them. This caused a sudden escalation of the situation in eastern Zaire. Kabila, who had been waiting for the right moment, returned to Zaire and immediately took action, joining forces with the Tutsi ethnic armed groups that were opposing the Zairean government.

In September 1996, these armed groups clashed directly with the Zairean government forces in the Kivu region. After several days of intense fighting, they captured the provincial capital of South Kivu, Uvira, and declared the establishment of the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of the Congo (AFDL), with Kabila as its chairman.

Kabila subsequently used the eastern region that he had initially controlled as his base of operations and directed his army to advance on three fronts: north, west, and south. In just a few months, they occupied over 30,000 square kilometers of land, forcing Mobutu to interrupt his stay in France and return to Zaire.

Mobutu completely restructured the military, established a crisis government, and declared his intention to organize a counter-offensive to recapture lost territory. However, the Zairean government forces, lacking regular pay for an extended period, had lax discipline, outdated equipment, and very poor combat capabilities.

On the other hand, the morale of Kabila's armed forces was high, their discipline was strict, and they had logistical support. As a result, Kabila's army advanced effortlessly, and on March 21, they captured the strategic city of Kisangani in the east, opening the door to the interior of Zaire.

While focusing on military offensives, Kabila also adopted a strategy of negotiations alongside fighting. In early April, his representatives met with Mobutu's representatives in South Africa for the first talks since the outbreak of hostilities, but substantive progress was not made.

On April 9, his armed forces entered Lubumbashi, the second-largest city and southern mining center. At this point, Kabila controlled most of Zaire's mineral resources, and victory was within reach. He issued a final ultimatum to Mobutu, demanding that Mobutu relinquish power directly to the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo, which would organize elections as a transitional authority. However, Mobutu refused to hand over power and only expressed willingness to negotiate with Kabila himself.

With active mediation from South Africa and other countries, Kabila and Mobutu held direct negotiations on a South African warship docked in the port of Pointe-Noire, Congo-Brazzaville, on May 4. During the meeting, Kabila demanded that Mobutu transfer power directly to the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo, which would organize elections. Mobutu, however, stated that he could resign but would transfer power to an elected president. The meeting ended inconclusively.

On May 17, Kabila's forces entered Kinshasa, the capital city. On the same day, Kabila announced the change of the country's name from Zaire back to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. On May 29, he was sworn in as the president.

In 2001, Kabila was assassinated by one of his subordinate officers, Rashidi Kasereka, on January 16. Two days later, it was confirmed that he had died in Zimbabwe. This assassination operation was considered part of an unsuccessful coup. A week later, his son, Joseph Kabila, returned to Congo and succeeded him as president.

Joseph Kabila Kabange, born on June 4, 1971, in Kindu, Kivu Province, Democratic Republic of the Congo, was the eldest son of the late President Laurent-Désiré Kabila.

He attended primary and secondary school in Uganda and Tanzania and received basic military training in Rwanda in 1995. From 1991 to 1993, he studied law at the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania, then began his military career. In 1998, he even studied military science in China for six months. He won the presidential election in 2006 and was sworn in as president. He was reelected in 2011, starting his second term.

Joseph Kabila's life was closely tied to warfare. From joining the fight in 1960 to the bloody meeting hall on January 16, 2001, the threat of death was always shadowing Joseph Kabila. Born in this place and raised in these circumstances, Joseph Kabila, as the son of Laurent-Désiré Kabila, intimately understood the consequences of war and death.

Perhaps in line with the customs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, like many others, Joseph Kabila had multiple wives and numerous children. However, it is said that Joseph Kabila was a favored son of his father, Laurent-Désiré Kabila. While Laurent-Désiré Kabila conducted long-distance raids in the wilderness, he always made sure to take care of Joseph's well-being during the journey. When Laurent-Désiré Kabila was on the battlefield, he often had Joseph by his side, allowing him to grow up in an environment accustomed to gunfire and combat.

At the same time, Laurent-Désiré Kabila also remembered to provide his son with an education and knowledge to prevent him from becoming just a warrior. Due to the harsh environment in Zaire at the time, Laurent-Désiré Kabila sent Joseph to a school in Tanzania under an assumed name.

Joseph was a quiet and reserved child from a young age. He didn't interact much with other children at school and spent most of his free time either reading or playing with stationery. However, other students respected this unassuming child—Joseph was charitable, had a sense of justice, and stood up for what was right.

After graduating from the school in Tanzania, Joseph returned to his father's side. From then on, he began his life accompanying his father in military campaigns. This period undoubtedly provided Joseph with invaluable training experiences—sometimes he found himself in dire situations, other times he had to cross mountains and hills, siege cities, and engage in negotiations. After many years of warfare, Joseph became a swift and resilient warrior.

In 1995, Laurent-Désiré Kabila once again sent his son away, this time to Rwanda, a country that was actively supporting him, for comprehensive military training. In 1996, as the conflict in Zaire escalated, Joseph returned to Laurent-Désiré Kabila's side. By this time, Joseph had become Laurent-Désiré Kabila's right-hand man.

On May 17, 1997, Laurent-Désiré Kabila declared himself the head of state in the eastern Congolese city of Lubumbashi and decided to change the country's name to the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

At the time, the Democratic Republic of the Congo had numerous factions, and the new government was fraught with complex conflicts. In order to maintain a balance of power, Laurent-Désiré Kabila not only held the position of Minister of Defense but also did not forget his son, Joseph. He placed Joseph in a key military department, serving as the Deputy Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces.

As a high-ranking military official, Joseph Kabila continued to exhibit the calm and reserved personality he had for decades. This was in stark contrast to his father. Laurent-Désiré Kabila was known for his openness and emotional expression, while Joseph maintained a calm and quiet demeanor.

For this, he also paid a price. It is rumored that it was his furious outburst during the meeting on the 16th that led to his subordinates opening fire.

However, Joseph was entirely different from his father. After Kabila became president, Joseph gained significant attention, but he rarely appeared in the media.

Reportedly, since 1996, Joseph spent most of his time on various battlefields. This was a risky endeavor, as he could lose his life in combat at any moment, but it was also a process of accumulating experience and credentials. Over the years, Joseph had become a figure in the Democratic Republic of the Congo's military that other commanders could not underestimate. He had grown into his role.

In September 1999, during a military reorganization, Kabila made a significant decision to appoint Joseph as the Commander-in-Chief of the Congolese Army.

In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the army represented almost the entire armed force. Kabila faced pressure from various quarters when he appointed his son to this crucial position. It was a forced move.

Over the years, under Kabila's leadership, the Democratic Republic of the Congo experienced economic policies that were constantly changing and often unrealistic, leading to economic collapse. The economic crisis triggered a series of social problems, eroding the confidence of the people in the government.

At the same time, various domestic political and military forces opposed to the government were gaining strength, and tensions were increasing. Kabila began to feel immense pressure in controlling the situation. Appointing his son as the Commander-in-Chief of the army was a way for Kabila to maintain control over the military. This move proved to be prescient, especially considering his eventual assassination.

On the day that Kabila was assassinated, later in the evening, while the government spokesperson officially confirmed his death, it was also announced that Joseph Kabila would immediately take over the military and political affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Thus, the more than 20-hour "power vacuum" was quickly filled.

At the same time, Joseph Kabila, who had been seen for years as the "strongman behind the military" in the Kabila regime, became the center of attention in public opinion. Joseph taking over the reins of power in the Democratic Republic of the Congo right after his father's assassination was an emergency appointment. This 31-year-old young man immediately became the focus of public attention.

On January 18, 2001, Joseph began to exercise his duties. On that day, he met with foreign diplomats from countries such as the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and Russia in succession, as well as holding a brief meeting with the United Nations representative in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The Congolese national television broadcast the scenes of these meetings. According to reports, in the television footage, Joseph appeared serious and composed, spoke very little, but seemed quite efficient.

However, international public opinion was filled with suspicion about Joseph taking over the leadership of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Firstly, there were concerns about whether Joseph could quickly stabilize the situation. The Democratic Republic of the Congo was fraught with complex internal and external conflicts, making the situation highly dangerous. Due to significant vested interests, all parties were likely to exert efforts to steer the political situation in their favor. There were many variables in the political landscape, and sudden developments could occur at any time.

Additionally, Joseph faced significant challenges in managing the country. This was not only because he lacked a university education and struggled with communicating in the official language of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, French, but more importantly because he lacked an understanding of the intricate web of relationships within the country. Compared to his father, who had spent three decades in warfare, Joseph's rise to power seemed too easy and therefore lacked the same level of authority.

Furthermore, with ongoing conflicts and complex neighboring relationships, the crisis-prone Democratic Republic of the Congo could be drawn into new wars at any time. In such a scenario, external threats would exacerbate internal problems, and Joseph's ability to control the situation would face severe tests.

Joseph Kabila was elected as the Democratic Republic's first democratically elected president. On December 6, 2006, Joseph Kabila, the newly elected president of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, was sworn in as president in the capital, Kinshasa. He became the first democratically elected president in over 40 years in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

At the age of 35, Kabila won the second-round vote on October 29, 2006. However, his competitor and Vice President Bemba at the time refused to accept the election results and staged a series of protests.

After the Supreme Court officially announced Kabila's victory on the 5th, Bemba issued a statement through a private television station, expressing disappointment with the presidential election results but declaring himself as an opposition figure in Kabila's government. Thus, the presidential elections in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, accompanied by armed conflicts, were finally accepted by all parties.

Although by 2018, Joseph Kabila had been in power continuously for 17 years, the political situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) was far from stable.

Apart from the ruling party and three major opposition parties, political forces in the DRC were fragmented. In the eastern region of the DRC, ethnic conflicts and various armed groups competing for mineral resources intensified the instability in the area. Many regions in the DRC operated with a high degree of autonomy due to the government's limited reach, and rebellions and conflicts were common.

The DRC was supposed to hold a new round of presidential elections on September 20, 2016, but the election commission announced a delay, citing reasons like updating the voter register.

After protests and bloody clashes, the majority faction of the DRC government and moderate opposition agreed to postpone the presidential elections, originally scheduled for December 2016, to December 23, 2018. During this period, a transitional government would manage national affairs, and incumbent President Kabila would remain in office until a new president was elected.

From late 2016 to the present day, intense confrontations between opposition and government supporters in the DRC over President Kabila's term have resulted in multiple incidents of bloodshed. On December 21, 2016, more than 31 people were reported dead in Kinshasa. Although Kabila's term has been extended until 2018, significant disagreements remain between the DRC's opposition and the government on issues such as the selection of the prime minister and constitutional amendments.

However, Kabila still held significant political leverage, and the overall political risk in the DRC remained manageable. Firstly, Kabila still maintained a strong political control in the DRC. He could extend his rule by delaying elections or modifying the presidential term limit in the constitution, or by arranging for a loyalist to take over in rotation.

According to the DRC government spokesperson, Kabila had stated that he would not seek a third presidential term and that Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary, a former interior minister and a relatively unknown figure, would be the candidate for the ruling coalition.

This move did not mean that Kabila was retiring from active politics. While he was compelled to step aside due to strong public and diplomatic pressure, this still allowed him to retain significant influence during the election campaign if Shadary were to win. After all, Shadary is a loyal supporter of Kabila.

As the Democratic Republic of the Congo is a nation known for its wealth in cobalt, lithium, and other mineral resources, it is surrounded by various complex international interests. There is a need for a strong leader to maintain the existing balance of interests. Kabila, who held an overwhelmingly dominant position in politics, benefited from these demands.

Thus, we've covered the history of the Democratic Republic of the Congo from ancient times to the present. Research on this country, rich in cobalt and lithium, is relatively scarce in the entire Chinese-speaking world. Even the latest election results and party developments had to be translated word by word from foreign media sources. However, as China's support for the new energy industry continues to grow, our country is inevitably becoming more closely connected with the Democratic Republic of the Congo.